Young Armenians were Decidedly Uninvolved in Re-electing Nikol Pashinyan. Where did the Energy from the 2018 Velvet Revolution Go?

Young Armenians were decidedly uninvolved in re-electing Nikol Pashinyan. Where did the energy from the 2018 Velvet Revolution go?

On June 7, 2026, Nikol Pashinyan was re-elected for his third term in the office of the Prime Minister of Armenia, after a victory over Samvel Karapetyan’s opposition party. While Pashinyan has historically had the support of Armenia’s youth in his campaign, polls reveal that likely only 20% of young people aged 18-35 voted for him in the recent election, despite young Armenians making up a sizable 30% of the electorate. There is a clear gap here – less young people are voting, allowing for leaders more popular amongst older generations to take the win. Where did the change come from? What caused Pashinyan to lose the youth vote, and what is causing young Armenians to stop voting at all?

The 2018 Velvet Revolution

Armenia has seen a recent history of significant political shifts, pioneered and witnessed by the youngest generations. The 2018 Velvet Revolution instilled a great deal of political hope in Armenia’s youth. Young people utilized a series of peaceful, nonviolent protests led by Nikol Pashinyan himself to oust previous Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan when he posed a threat to the democratic principle of term limits, giving rise to a potential for authoritarianism. The revolution was successful, putting Pashinyan in the role of Prime Minister and dismantling the Republican Party’s long-standing power in government. Young Armenians rallied behind Pashinyan and looked towards a future of anti-corruption, pro-election democratic reform. Especially considering the Post-Soviet context that Armenia lies in, these protests were a feat for the new generation of Armenians looking for progressive change.

Reverting back to Political Stagnation

Just two years later, though, the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War shattered most of the hope and positivity garnered from the revolution, as Azerbaijan won a decisive victory over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. Failure to progress during wartime disheartened Armenian youth, causing them to revert back to being uninvolved in the politics of their country and unsupportive of their leader. Complaints of repetitive policies without meaningful change, a lack of opportunity, and closed-off relations with international actors rocked the political conversation. Armenia was reverting to the pre-revolution country it once was, and the government was not meeting the growing wants and needs of a large youth population.

Both parties in the recent election were quick to slander the other, claiming that the election of the opposition would result in conflict and perpetuation of existing regional instabilities. This convolution of political discourse, combined with a lack of drive for change and the outcomes of the war, led the majority of Armenian youth to either opt of voting entirely or have a great deal of mistrust in the government. Per International Republican Institute, 49% of Armenian voters between 18 and 35 were self-proclaimed to be politically uninterested, showing how they are unsatisfied and unimpressed with the policies enacted, and no longer expect change. The European Parliamentary Research Service reported that 53% of Armenian voters in the same age group claimed to not support or trust any political figure at all – an even more jarring statistic.

Future Ramifications

It is apparent that Armenian youth are experiencing a political stagnation. Regardless of what Pashinyan promises – such as strengthening Armenia’s ties with the European Union, a goal supported by many young Armenians looking to globalize – the actual expectation for progress is waning. Young Armenian’s political indifference has the potential to halt or even regress the young democracy that had its foundation set in 2018. The outcome of the election has shown us that indifference exists, and without the support of the young electorate, Pashinyan’s Armenia is unlikely to progress. Young Armenians may need to use their voice again, through protests similar to those of 2018, or maybe they simply need to be heard and addressed by the government they changed 8 years ago.

Armenia has seen a recent history of significant political shifts, pioneered and witnessed by the youngest generations. The 2018 Velvet Revolution instilled a great deal of political hope in Armenia’s youth. Young people utilized a series of peaceful, nonviolent protests led by Nikol Pashinyan himself to oust previous Prime Minister Serzh Sargsyan when he posed a threat to the democratic principle of term limits, giving rise to a potential for authoritarianism. The revolution was successful, putting Pashinyan in the role of Prime Minister and dismantling the Republican Party’s long-standing power in government. Young Armenians rallied behind Pashinyan and looked towards a future of anti-corruption, pro-election democratic reform. Especially considering the Post-Soviet context that Armenia lies in, these protests were a feat for the new generation of Armenians looking for progressive change.

Just two years later, though, the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War shattered most of the hope and positivity garnered from the revolution, as Azerbaijan won a decisive victory over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region. Failure to progress during wartime disheartened Armenian youth, causing them to revert back to being uninvolved in the politics of their country and unsupportive of their leader. Complaints of repetitive policies without meaningful change, a lack of opportunity, and closed-off relations with international actors rocked the political conversation. Armenia was reverting to the pre-revolution country it once was, and the government was not meeting the growing wants and needs of a large youth population.

Both parties in the recent election were quick to slander the other, claiming that the election of the opposition would result in conflict and perpetuation of existing regional instabilities. This convolution of political discourse, combined with a lack of drive for change and the outcomes of the war, led the majority of Armenian youth to either opt of voting entirely or have a great deal of mistrust in the government. 49% of Armenian voters between 18 and 35 were self-proclaimed to be politically uninterested, showing how they are unsatisfied and unimpressed with the policies enacted, and no longer expect change. 53% of voters in the same age group claimed to not support or trust any political figure at all – an even more jarring statistic.

It is apparent that Armenian youth are experiencing a political stagnation. Regardless of what Pashinyan promises – such as strengthening Armenia’s ties with the European Union, a goal supported by many young Armenians looking to globalize – the actual expectation for progress is waning. Pashinyan, now, must do what he can to leverage his power meaningfully if he hopes to regain the support of the young population that once backed him. Young Armenian’s political indifference has the potential to halt or even regress the young democracy that had its foundation set in 2018. The outcome of the election has shown us that indifference exists. Pashinyan must now do his job as Prime Minister and make strides in the right direction.